SDPI Research and News Bulletin
Vol.
13, No. 1 Jan — Feb 2006
Textiles and
Clothing in a Changing World:
Can Pakistan
Catch up with the Front-Runners?
Dr Anjum
Altaf
anjum@sdpi.org
The textile and clothing (T&C) industry is the most interesting of
the major industries to study at this time. Its natural development has been
the most severely distorted by a system of global constraints that were only
eased at the beginning of this year. Many people expected the removal of quotas
on January 1, 2005
to trigger a massive readjustment and the resulting cutthroat price competition
to drive production to the lowest cost locations.
It is important to remember, however, that
the quota regime was initiated over 50 years ago--the first long-term agreement
was enforced in 1962--and 50 years is a very long time. Much has changed during
this period that could lead to surprising and counterintuitive outcomes for the
T&C industry in future. The very length of the quota regime makes it
necessary to analyze the industry in the context of the major global trends
that have defined the last quarter century or so.
It
will surprise many that the transition in lifestyles is a driver for the most
profound changes in the industry. Just one indicator can illustrate this point.
Till the end of the 1960s, over 70% of men’s shirts sold in the United States
were white dress shirts. By 1986, this share was down sharply to 20%. The youth
rebellion made the world a much more casual place. Now instead of a large
quantity of white dress shirts retailers carry a dizzying combination of
colors, sizes, styles, fabrics and price lines with a smaller quantity of each
product type on their shelves.
At the same time, the consumer has become
increasingly more fashion-conscious--even faddish as some old timers
complain--with rapidly changing tastes. A product that gets outdated or misses
a particular selling period has to be disposed at a heavy discount. The
proliferation of fashion design institutes and the frequency of clearance sales
is evidence of this development.
The implication for the industry could be
understood by thinking of the difference between the economics of selling dry
fruit and the economics of selling fresh fruit. Unsold dry fruit lives to be
sold another day; unsold fresh fruit at the end of the day is worth a fraction
of its value. Errors in estimating demand are very costly in the fresh fruit
business.
The bottom line of the change in lifestyle
for the retailer of apparel is that many items of clothing (not all but many)
are being transformed from staple commodities to perishable products. If they
don’t sell fast they add to costs. As a consequence, the focus of attention of
retailers has shifted from ensuring the cheapest supply to managing the demand
side. The magnitude of potential loss of revenue on the sales side often
overwhelms the cost savings from finding a slightly less expensive supplier. As
early as 1985, losses associated with markdowns, stock-outs, and inventory
carrying costs for US retailers were estimated to be $25 billion. In the
changed environment, other variables, besides supply cost, have begun to have a
crucial impact on profitability.
Continuing with the fruit analogy yields a
pointer to one possible direction for the future. Relative to the US ,
fresh fruit and vegetables can be grown more cheaply in many other distant
places. Yet the bulk of the demand is supplied from within the US itself or its
immediate neighborhood--what used to be called ‘banana republics’ because US
firms produced their bananas there. This proximity of supply to the consumer is
a feature of the economics of perishable commodities.
The second major change that has occurred
during the last quarter century or so is the truly amazing progress in
information and communications technology. It is hard to recall now that only
one generation ago there were no pocket calculators, let alone laptops or the
Internet. University students used a slide rule for computation, a device that
now belongs in the museums of science and technology.
It is not surprising that the first users
of the new technology to assist with the problems of managing demand were the
food stores--beginning in 1970--followed by the leading apparel retailers. The
principal elements of this technology package were the uniform product code,
bar codes, laser scanners, and electronic data interchange. Using these
technologies, retailers gained access to real-time sales information collected
at the register via bar code scanning. Today, the leading retailers collect
information on the sales of particular products at the size, style and color
level, compile it on Sunday night (after the weekend sales are known) and
transmit an electronic order to the appropriate supplier the same night. By the
following Thursday, they expect floor-ready supplies delivered to their
individual stores.
The use of these technologies in the
industry is spreading due to the dynamics of competition just as no bank today
can afford to be without online services and ATM dispensers. One consequence is
that the leading retailers have begun to exert much more leverage in the supply
chain compared to the past. They now stock only the products on their shelves
reducing expenses by pushing back the burden of inventory on to their
suppliers; they are forcing distributors and suppliers to install expensive
data processing technologies to comply with their requirements or risk losing
their customer; and they are asking for floor-ready deliveries to individual
stores in smaller quantities and in shorter delivery times. Industry analysts
have highlighted the emergence of this phenomenon of lean retailing as a key
component of the retail revolution in the apparel industry.
Similar to the distinction between fresh
and dry fruit, apparel products are now split into what the industry has termed
replenishable and non-replenishable items. Replenishable items are re-ordered
many times in small quantities during a selling season, while
non-replenishables are ordered a few times at best if not just once. Low-cost
items like hosiery, underwear and men’s shorts are replenishables while high
cost, fashion sensitive items like women’s dresses are non-replenishables. The
replenishable segment is growing in importance. In 1988, 60% of the sales
volume in the US
was shipped on a non-replenishment basis; by 1992, this was down to about 20%.
All these new variables affecting
profitability, especially the inventory costs of distributors that vary
directly with the lead-time needed by suppliers, place a premium on proximity
to the end market as far as the supply of replenishable items is concerned. For
the U.S. market, the average
cycle time for a supplier in Mexico
is four weeks as against eleven weeks for a supplier in China --a difference that translates
into 100% increase in inventory costs for the distributor. For some products
this more than offsets the lower costs of production in China where wage rates are less than a third of
those in Mexico .
The consequences can be seen in the
pattern of trade. In 2003, the top five suppliers to the US of men’s and boy’s denim jeans, a typical
replenishable item, were Mexico ,
Costa Rica , Guatemala , Colombia
and Honduras .
China was 18th
and Pakistan
19th on the list. For the same product category, of the top ten
suppliers to the EU, six were neighbouring countries. By contrast, for a
typical non-replenishable item (women’s and girl’s cotton dresses), the top ten
suppliers to the US
were all Asian countries. This clearly indicates how the market for apparel is
being segregated and how completely different considerations determine the
sourcing of these different product types.
These developments are leaving their
imprint on the geography of production. The production of low cost
replenishable items is configuring itself in regional markets surrounding the major
consumers--the US being served to a significant degree from Mexico and the
Caribbean; the EU from Turkey, North Africa and Eastern Europe; and Japan from
China. The production of high-value non-replenishable items on the other hand
is following the more traditional path of migrating to the lowest cost
producers most of whom are in Asia .
Five global trends are accompanying this
new geography of production. The first is the huge wave of outsourcing of
manufacturing and services from developed to developing countries. It is
interesting to observe how the characteristics mentioned above are shaping the
nature of this foreign investment in the T&C industry. For replenishable
items, US firms are moving across the border to produce in Mexico and Japanese firms are investing in China .
The most revealing example, however, is from Korea . Guatemala
was the third largest supplier of men’s and boy’s denim jeans to the US . It
turns out that of the 244 companies producing apparel in Guatemala in 1999, 130 (more than half) were from Korea . Clearly, proximity to the
consumer and being integrated into the supply chain of the leading retailers is
important enough for Korean firms to invest not only in China but also as far away as Guatemala .
The second trend is the
proliferation of regional and bilateral preferential trade agreements. The
pattern of regional markets in the textile and clothing industry is being
reinforced by agreements that often tie tariff concessions to the use of inputs
from the consuming countries (e.g., US origin textiles and fabrics). NAFTA, the
Caribbean Basin Trade Partnership Act and the Euro-Mediterranean partnership
are good examples. It is important to remember that after the elimination of
quotas discriminatory tariffs remain as the major public policy instrument to
redirect the flows of free trade. In South Asia, Bangladesh is a beneficiary having
free entry into the EU due to its status as a “Least Developed Nation.”
The third global trend is the
quiet emergence of the knowledge economy and the increasing importance of what
is being called the creative worker, the worker that helps a firm to innovate,
add value to its products, and move up the supply chain. It is not possible to
produce high-value items in today’s economy without a large pool of creative
workers. The implications have been realized quickly in East Asia where many
countries, finding themselves unable to compete with China on costs, are investing
heavily in innovation and in attracting the innovative worker. This aspect is
important for apparel firms that wish to compete in the market for both
replenishable and non-replenishable items and for textile firms seeking to find
new industrial uses for their products.
The fourth trend centers
round the rise of the efficient city as an entity almost independent of the
country in which it is located. In South Asia, Bangalore is a good example. It is now linked
directly, not through the national capital, to the global economy and
investment is flowing to it quite irrespective of the poverty in Bihar, the
unrest in Assam or the
hostilities in Kashmir . As long as Bangalore offers a stable environment with good business
infrastructure and efficient logistics what happens in the rest of India
remains virtually irrelevant to global business. And efficient cities have
begun to compete with each other for outsourced work. Thus Hyderabad
and Chennai, led by their public officials and chambers of commerce, are now
competing aggressively against Bangalore
for the software market. It is significant to note that the Indian government
is not lobbying on behalf of Hyderabad
and Chennai; the cities are out there marketing themselves on their own.
This competition between
cities for global business has given rise to a new set of comparative
indicators of business friendliness and efficiency. The time it takes from
touchdown at the airport to checking in at a downtown hotel has become one of
the benchmark metrics in this new competitive environment. It is no surprise
that Shanghai
has invested in the fastest and most modern train, the world’s first commercial
magnetic levitation system, to link its new airport with its business district.
The 30-kilometer journey is reported to take all of about eight minutes.
A related aspect of this
phenomenon is that these competitive cities have realized they must become
attractive for the global knowledge worker whose lifestyle is quite different
from that of the industrial worker. Singapore
has gone to the extent of relaxing its prohibition on chewing gum, is talking
about creating a bohemian village and becoming a Renaissance City .
Shanghai is
pouring millions of dollars into museums and an opera house. Dubai is transforming itself as a shopping
and entertainment haven. Investment in culture, called ‘cultural capital’, has
become just as necessary as investment in science and technology and in
physical infrastructure to be globally competitive in the post-industrial
knowledge economy.
The fifth global trend is the
emergence of the environmentally and ethically conscious consumer in the
developed countries. While we might consider this a phenomenon promoted by
protectionist industry lobbies, we still have to deal with the fallout. The
soccer ball industry has already found itself vulnerable to the charge of
exploiting child labor. For the textile industry, the plight of the cotton
pickers might turn out to be its own weak spot.
It was mentioned earlier that the
production of high value non-replenishable apparel items was migrating to the
lowest cost producers not the lowest wage countries. Jobs are moving to low
wage countries with the largest and most productive talent pools, the most
desirable locations and the most efficient delivery logistics. Thus Indonesia,
which in 2002 had an average hourly labor cost in apparel manufacturing lower
than that in China, is still losing market share to the latter.
One can understand now why China
is in such a sweet spot and emerging as a manufacturing powerhouse. It is next
door to the very large Japanese market and also has the most competitive
shipping times to the west coast of the US averaging between 12 and 18 days
compared to as much as 45 days from its ASEAN competitors. It has almost 100%
literacy and a large pool of highly trained technical workers. It has
proactively identified a number of universities that it intends to raise to the highest global standards within years.
It has increasingly efficient cities, is investing heavily in the
infrastructure of business, and is pouring money into cultural capital to
become attractive for global capital and the demanding knowledge worker.
Let us now see Pakistan
in the perspective of these developments in the industry and the global trends
that have been highlighted. Is it possible that Pakistan would fall between two
stools--not being close enough to the large markets to be competitive in the
low-value replenishable products and not having the creative talent pool or the
efficient cities to be competitive in the high-value non-replenishable
products? In the worst case, could Pakistan find itself reduced to a
provider of raw materials to producers elsewhere who have equipped themselves
to add value and be competitive in the global economy? And could the
degradation of the cotton pickers emerge as a new barrier to trade, further
reducing its limited role in the global economy?
Of course, this need not be
the case. If one can see far enough down the road, one can identify the
potholes, steer accordingly, and chart a successful direction. The industry has
already invested in modernization to be ready for the post-quota world. In
future, Pakistani firms could invest in countries like Turkey , Tunisia ,
and Morocco
that are proximate to the large EU market. Bangladesh is also a candidate for
investment because of its tariff advantages. Pakistani firms could also explore
niches in the large developing country markets of India
and China
that are becoming more open under the WTO regime. The most important industry
in the country could spearhead efforts to reclaim the cities and to make them
more efficient for business. It could lobby for reform of the public school
curriculum to move the country beyond the stage where 50% of the population is
still illiterate and the rest is getting an education that provides no skills
to integrate into the global knowledge economy.
Most of these are changes
where the industry needs to convince the various levels of government to
support its growth and development. This is no doubt a difficult challenge but
one that has to be faced sooner rather than later in the self-interest of the
industry. But there are areas where the industry is much less constrained and
can act on its own. This space for voluntary initiative provides room to
demonstrate forcefully the industry’s commitment to change.
Establishing the Textile
Institute of Pakistan is an excellent example. There are some other
possibilities. The industry could be proactive in offering incentives to
growers to improve the conditions of work and incomes of the cotton pickers.
The industry could also conceivably lead the way in the sphere of education by
further raising the standards of the Textile Institute to match the best in the
world. It is here that the importance of being located in an efficient, safe,
and culturally vibrant city would be realized. Attempts to attract leading
academics and professionals for significant periods of time would flounder
because of the poor image of Karachi .
Therefore, it would be in the interest of the industry to contribute to making Karachi a more attractive
place to live and work in. Little things can often set the ball rolling and
make a surprisingly big difference.
Acknowledgment
This is the edited text of the keynote address delivered on December 2, 2005 at the
conference on Teaching Textiles organized by the Textile Institute of Pakistan , Karachi .
Recommended Reading
On the T&C industry:
·
A Stitch in Time: Lean Retailing
and the Transformation of Manufacturing--Lessons from the Apparel and Textile
Industries. 1999. Frederick H. Abernathy, John T.
Dunlop, Janice H. Hammond, and David Weil. New York :
Oxford University Press.
On the knowledge and creative economy:
·
The Rise of the Creative Class:
And How it is Transforming Work, Leisure, Community and Everyday Life. 2002. Richard Florida. New York : Basic Books.
·
The Creative Economy: How People
Make Money from Ideas. 2001. John Howkins. 2001. London : Allen Lane .
On global cities:
·
The Global City: New York , London , Tokyo . 2001. Saskia Sassen. 2001. Princeton , NJ : Princeton
University Press.
·
“Cosmopolitan Cities
and Nation States: Open Economics, Urban Dynamics, and Government in East Asia .”
2002. Thomas P. Rohlen. Stanford
University : Asia/Pacific
Research Center. http://iis-db.stanford.edu/pubs/12074/Rohlen_cosmopolitan.pdf
Cotton
Pickers After the Quota Expiry:
Bitter
Harvest
Karin Astrid
Siegmann
karin@sdpi.org
Cotton pickers are responsible
for the T&C industry’s successes, but remain poor themselves. Pakistan
is the fourth largest cotton producer of the world and is expected to become
number three in its consumption this year. Cotton is planted on 3m hectares of
land, producing an output of 1.7m tonnes in 2003. An estimated 700,000 cotton
pickers, most of them women and girls, are employed on the 1.6m cotton-growing
farms in Pakistan
during the picking season between September and December.
Working conditions were
extremely poor in the past. In 1999, pickers’ pay was only about Rs40-50 per
maund. One maund is what a fast picker can harvest in a day, and half of that
weight is more common. Alternative sources of income are few, partially because
unemployment is high in the cotton-growing belt, and to some extent due to
these women’s low levels of schooling. Educational limitations also weaken
their bargaining power vis-à-vis their employers. When their harvest is
weighed, they are easily cheated on their daily wage. Overall, it is difficult
for them to negotiate better working conditions. This reality is compounded
by their gender that is often subjected to sexual harassment.
The working environment of cotton pickers
is full of poisonous pesticides. During the 8-9 hours of daily picking, they
are exposed to residuals of pesticide spraying. They consume water that is
contaminated with pesticides. Besides, pesticides enter the food chain via the
exposure of the soil, of their livestock, as residuals in cotton seeds that are
pressed to produce edible oil. The result is chronic pesticide poisoning. One
of the few studies conducted on the health effects of pesticide application in
Pakistani cotton cultivation finds that 74% of female cotton pickers are
moderately pesticide-poisoned, while the remaining quarter has reached
dangerous levels of poisoning.
The T&C sector, based on home-grown
and hand-picked cotton, is the country’s most important industrial and export
sector. The year 2005 has meant a quantum leap towards freer global trade in
T&C. The quota system, that had constrained exports to the main markets for
T&C , was
abolished under a World Trade Organisation (WTO) agreement on January 1, 2005 . Previously,
T&C producers had to purchase quotas in order to be able to sell their
products to the main markets. Since January 2005, however, buyers and sellers
of T&C products no longer rely on access to quotas in order to export to
the USA , EU or Canada .
This means a more competitive environment for a large number of T&C
exporters across Asia, Latin America, and Africa .
SDPI conducted a study in 2005 to assess
whether this change in the external trade environment also trickled down to the
cotton pickers and made a difference in their working conditions. What
difference could a change in the trade environment for T&C occur in these
women’s lives and livelihoods?
SDPI
started its investigation with two contrary assumptions. The intensified
competition that is resulting from the abolition of the quota system has two
aspects: price and quality. Prices for T&C products have dropped because of
the harsher competition amongst producers. If manufacturers try to compensate
such reduced income through cost cuts, this might be passed on through the
textile chain as lower wages to cotton pickers. On the other hand, producers
try to comply with environmental and social standards that are becoming an
increasingly common demand of buyers in the North. One aspect here is lower
charges of T&C products with hazardous materials, such as dyes but also
pesticides. If this is the result of a freer trade scenario, less strain may be
put on cotton pickers’ health.
The
preliminary results, however, show that little has changed for cotton pickers’
bitter harvest. T&C exports might have picked up, but the cotton fields
haven’t become a more likable location since
the quota system expired.
Women’s wages still stand at similarly low levels of Rs50-70. Considering that
price levels have climbed more than a fifth between 2004 and 2005, only
purchasing power has actually declined substantially. Pesticide use has grown
from year to year, and yet, protective gear is still almost absent from the
fields. Resultantly, women complain about headache, nausea, and skin
irritations but don’t have the money to consult a doctor and buy medicine.
Evidently, if there is any link between
the trade environment and the livelihoods of cotton pickers, it matches the
pessimistic assumption that harsher competition leads to pressure on wages.
Deeper analysis is needed to dig out the real reasons for the static hardship
of cotton pickers. Their weak bargaining power surely is a factor. The
pesticide treadmill, i.e., the necessity to use more and more pesticides due to
resistances developed in pests, and also the fact that pesticide prices have
dropped due to import liberalization in 1995 facilitating greater consumption,
is a serious threat to their health and livelihoods.
An important factor may be the political economy
of the cotton chain in Pakistan .
Yarn producers have a powerful position in the industry and their economic importance
is paralleled by the political influence they exert. Despite the rhetoric of
demanding clean cotton--i.e., cotton not contaminated by cotton sticks, human
hair, and polyethylene bags, as an input for their spinning mills--no
incentives are provided for growers to supply such uncontaminated cotton.
Obviously, the profits that can be reaped by selling poor quality yarn based on
very low labour costs are higher than the premia for uncontaminated yarn and
cloth. However, recently a decision has been taken to provide such incentives
through the Trading Corporation of Pakistan (TCP). If implemented, this might
translate into better pay for cotton pickers as it is they, ultimately, who
control this type of contamination.
What to do? Clearly, cotton pickers need
to be provided with wages above subsistence level, e.g. in the form of
incentives for clean cotton. The abovementioned new policy to provide quality
premia might be a step in the right direction. Awareness should be raised about
the relevance of protective gear for all stakeholders involved in cotton
cultivation. Legal and other incentives should be provided to cotton pickers
and growers for actually wearing protective equipment. For that, easily
understandable brochures should be developed targeted at various addressees in
regional languages. The GoP should implement bans on severely toxic
substances/products, sanction their implementation, and explore the potential
to reduce pesticide application through Integrated Pest Management (IPM) and/or organic farming.
To address the skewed
distribution of bargaining power between agricultural workers, their
organizations should be established and strengthened in order to make sure they
can jointly voice their concerns and work for improvement of their working
conditions. More vulnerable female agricultural workers should be targeted in
particular.
Politics of Donations
The money pledged by international donors for post-quake
rehabilitation and reconstruction seems fine on paper. The devil lies in the
fine print
Abid
Qaiyum Suleri
suleri@sdpi.org
International
donors have pledged some $5.4bn (£3.14bn) in a donors' conference 19 November, 2005 to help Pakistan
recover from October's devastating earthquake. The figure exceeds $5.2bn Pakistan
had been asking for. The Pakistani demand was based on a Preliminary Damage and
Needs Assessment released by the Asian Development Bank (ADB) and World Bank.
More than 70 donor countries, financial
institutions, and aid organizations attended the conference. The single biggest
donor country was Saudi
Arabia , which pledged a total of $573m in
grants and soft loans. The US
pledged $510m, including $156m already given. Among other top contributing
countries were Britain ,
other European Union nations, Japan ,
Kuwait , Iran and Turkey . The World Bank and the
Asian Development Bank pledged $1bn each, mostly in the form of loans. The
Islamic Development Bank said it would increase its assistance from more than
$250m to more than $501m. Nearly 30 countries extended offers of help, with China pledging $316m and Iran $200m.
While one is heartened by these pledges
for the quake survivors, it should also be kept in mind that historically,
following major disasters only about half of the pledges made by donors have
ever materialized. Another disturbing fact is that approximately 68% of the
pledges are loans--although donors are calling them soft loans. The hard
reality is that Pakistan
already has $32bn in debt and is paying billions as interest on these loans.
The deepened burden of debt may make the future a bit darker for our coming
generations.
One would have even agreed to swallow the
bitter pill of debts in the name of rehabilitation and reconstruction, provided
it had come timely. The problem with the international pledges is that most of
them are long-term commitments.
Another significant aspect of the donors’
conference was its failure to involve Pakistani society at large. This is
because like many other developing countries, there is no culture of national
consultation, building consensus or taking the parliament into confidence
before taking decisions of national importance such as agreeing to borrow from
lending agencies. However, even more amazing was the working of donors. It
seems they were so eager to lend that they totally ignored the need for
consulting the stakeholders.
This makes it
all the more necessary to analyze all the pledges even if they have already
been made. Let us examine the World Bank's commitment first. The Bank announced
$470m on October 25, 2005
and raised it to $1bn during the donors' conference. Of the money that the Bank
has pledged, only $200m have been transferred to Pakistan November 2005.
The break-up of
the World Bank pledge is as follows:
1.
Supplemental
financing of $150m for the Poverty Reduction Support Credit (PRSC): The
supplemental credit will support the sustained implementation of the PRSC
reform program and help finance part of the gap in resources incurred as a
result of the earthquake.
2.
Supplemental
financing of $50m for the North-West Frontier Province Structural Adjustment
Credit II (SAC2): The NWFP SAC2 was the second in a series of three operations
to support the implementation of NWFP government's Provincial Reform Program.
The proposed supplemental financing will support the sustained implementation
of the SAC reform program, and help finance part of the gap in resources
incurred.
3.
Additional
financing in an amount of $100m for 'Highways Rehabilitation Project': The new
activities include civil works for reconstruction and rehabilitation of
earthquake damaged roads, which, based on an initial needs assessment, may
include some sections of main national highways connecting Muzaffarabad, Kaghan Valley
and Northern Areas with the rest of the country.
4.
Additional
financing in an amount of $100m for second Pakistan Poverty Alleviation Fund
Project: The partner organizations and PPAF will use these additional funds to
rebuild communities through intensive social mobilization (approximately 1m
individuals); low-cost seismologically appropriate housing (approximately
25,000 units); rehabilitation of 1,500 community infrastructure schemes;
community buildings; coordination, monitoring and supervision; and technical
assistance for earthquake resistant structures.
5.
Re-allocation
of part of the proceeds of the NWFP CIP II credit in an amount of $22.5m: The
project will comprise three components: (a) restoration of economic and social
infrastructure destroyed and damaged by floods and earthquake including
restoration of roads; repair and/or reconstruction of buildings; repair of
water supply schemes and restoration of irrigation canals; (b) strengthening of
the safety net and disaster preparedness programs; and (c) project management
and implementations support.
6.
Re-allocation
of part of the proceeds of the credit in an amount of $7.5m for North-West
Frontier Province On-Farm Water Management Project: This project will also
comprise the above mentioned three components.
7.
Re-allocation
of part of the proceeds of the credit in an amount of $10m and additional
financing in an amount of $30m for AJK CISP: The proposed project will cover
three districts of AJK that have been affected by the earthquake (Muzaffarabad,
Rawalakot and Bagh). The project will again
comprise the three components, i.e., restoration of economic and social
infrastructure, strengthening of the safety net and disaster preparedness
programs; and project management and implementations support.
Even if one is mindful that there
can never be perfect answers, it does not answer the question whether survivors
of the October 8 tragedy have any say in prioritizing what is required for
their rehabilitation. None at all, of course. It, therefore, comes as no
surprise that the donors and the government are deciding on their own what is
beneficial for the quake-hit areas and what is not.
There is no denying the fact that the NWFP
government reforms or on-farm water management are important in themselves. But
revising allocation of loans for them in the guise of helping the quake victims
is mere eyewash.
The story of ADB's $1bn support is no
different. According to ADB's official version, this support will be provided
in a number of stages. About $100m of savings from concession loans from eight
ongoing projects in Pakistan
has been re-allocated to the ongoing ADB-backed Decentralization Support
Program. These funds will provide budgetary support for earthquake-related rehabilitation and
reconstruction activities.
ADB's
Resident Mission in Pakistan
is also reviewing seven ongoing loans in the earthquake-affected areas to see
whether these can be redesigned to address earthquake damage more effectively.
The Multi-sector Rehabilitation and Improvement Project for Azad Jammu &
Kashmir is one such project.
ADB
has set up a special Pakistan Earthquake Fund with an initial contribution of
$80m. In early December, a $300m Earthquake Emergency Assistance project,
inclusive of the $80m from the Pakistan Earthquake Fund, will be considered by
ADB's Board of Directors. The project will focus on transport, power, health,
education, governance, and institution-building.
The
remainder of ADB's support is likely to be provided in 2006 in the form of a
credit line facility to ensure that it can be flexibly used to address the
remaining high priority needs of rehabilitation and reconstruction.
The
absence of stakeholders' participation and lack of national consultation on
rehabilitation may turn the process into commercial development in the name of
the marginalized and the poor, as was the case during post-tsunami
reconstruction process. The tsunami experience also proves that coordination,
aid utilization, and accountability need to be put on top of the priority list
in the reconstruction process--something that seems lacking in our context.
It
is also appropriate to review the donors' commitments, especially the loan
component to determine its usefulness for quake survivors. There must be
transparency and accountability not only at the level of the recipients’ end
but also at the donors' end. It is important that the terms and conditions for
grant contracts and loans are people-friendly, not simply donor-friendly. This
makes the fine prints of grant contracts very crucial, including how much will
go back to the donor country in money for providing 'technical expertise' and
equipment, and how much actually goes to the people in distress.
This
brings into focus who does what when the money finally arrives and is
distributed. It means we need to ensure the crucial task of aid utilization in
a transparent and unbiased manner. The major challenge is, of course, how the
impact of the aid and loans will be realized by the millions of survivors,
living either in tent villages and/or still in the open.
Also, over-dependence on external donors will
further undermine our national sovereignty. It is ironic that the government
has not pledged any donation from its’ part of the pie. No cuts have been made
in lavish 'entertainment' and protocol budgets, no reduction has been made in
overseas trips and no downsizing has taken place in the flock of advisors and consultants.
Mega plans like shifting of the Army Headquarters from Rawalpindi
to Islamabad
are still on. Let us realize our collective responsibilities and begin a
meaningful rehabilitation, which should also include rehabilitation of our
attitudes and paradigm of thinking that revolves around dependency on external
sources of money.
Domestic Policies and WTO
Before the Southern states begin to fault the WTO, the
central concern for them ought to be domestic policies and the shortcomings in
that regard
Moeed Yusuf
moeed@sdpi.org
While
no outright consensus was achieved at the WTO (World Trade Organisation)
ministerial meeting, which was held in Hong Kong
in December 2006, members have agreed to continue talking in the
"interest of all".
On the sidelines of the
ministerial talks was violent opposition to the idea of a global trading
regime. It is not the scale of the opposition but the message the
opponents conveyed to policymakers sitting inside the Hong Kong Convention
Centre: the WTO regime has attached to it negative externalities which will
force many to lose out in the bid to create a global free-trade regime.
What is important is the fact that the
opposition at the meeting was not a result of any perceived threat from WTO,
but came from groups who have already begun to feel the brunt of the free-trade
regime. This is a stark reality, in total contrast to the perception of those
sitting inside the Convention Centre and who look to the WTO as a means of
bringing gains for all. The latter deduction is entirely flawed.
Proponents of free trade continue to profess
that WTO would bring global benefits by increasing inter-state economic flows.
However, it is absurd for member states to perceive, as some do, that this
automatically translates into a "benefit-for-all" regime. WTO pundits
themselves are the first ones to oppose any such extension of the regime's
mandate. The fact is that the WTO is only aimed at increasing the size of the
global economic pie, which could potentially increase the size of the pie for
individual countries. In other words, WTO principally looks at a global
improvement in economic flows. It is virtually silent on intra-national
benefits.
To begin with, while the multilateral
trading arrangement might bring benefits to most countries, there is no
guarantee that every member state would gain. More importantly, it certainly
does not flow from the arrangement that such a development would improve the
livelihood opportunities (and thus poverty) of all citizens of the South.
The first question strikes at the heart of
inter-state politics. The most contentious issue that has prevented trade talks
from reaching a consensus is that of market access. The deadlock is largely a
result of power play in international politics. The EU and the US are
using their international leverage to continue protecting their domestic
producers while pushing the Southern states to liberalize. The latter is in no
position to force a change in the North's attitude, especially given the
imbalanced power structure. Clearly, tangible movement on the issue of market
access lies at the mercy of the North. The South can only exert its utmost
pressure and play a wait-and-see game.
The second leg of the equation--i.e., benefits
translating from the national to the individual level--directly concerns the
Southern governments. Here it revolves around Southern national policies, which
look to ensure benefit-sharing between the rich and the poor. The need for the
Southern countries to ensure an all-inclusive system of benefit-sharing
remains as strong under the WTO as without it. Notwithstanding the South's
claims that the advent of the free-trade regime would bring benefits to all,
there is no automatic connection between the two.
The lack of an effective benefit-sharing
mechanism in the Southern countries, misplaced institutional preferences, and
inherent policy biases favoring the influential large-scale producers ought to
be the focus of governments in the South. Were WTO to bring gains at a
national scale, there is every possibility that the influential elite will
capture most of it, given the present institutional context across the South.
In fact, were the WTO to manage a level playing field (by resolving market
access and other such issues), the stakes to hijack the "trickle
down" and benefit-sharing mechanisms would be higher.
As the potential gains increase, two
things are likely to happen in an adverse policy environment. First,
large-scale producers are likely to exert the influence that they so often
enjoy in the South to receive most of the benefits. Second, given the necessity
of efficient production, the economies of scale and a slew of environmental
and quality standards, large-scale producers with resources at their disposal
would be in a position to adapt more quickly than small-scale producers in the
South.
This could easily result in weeding out
the less competitive small-scale producers. Already literature is emerging,
which challenges common wisdom by shedding pessimism on the ability of small
producers to gain from market-access opportunities. The opposition from the
Korean farmers and other such groups in Hong Kong
is evidence of such a development.
If the South's policies are not altered to
cater to the interests of the small-scale producers, there could be serious
repercussions. Trade pundits are increasingly looking at SMEs (small and medium
enterprises) as the engines of economic growth within countries. Given their contribution to the GDP and their
employment-generation potential, Pakistan itself has laid high
priority on SMEs in its Medium-Term Development Framework. If most of the SMEs
were weeded out--in case of agriculture, this would be small farmers--it would
severely impact employment levels within the country, which would automatically
translate into higher poverty levels. While trade skeptics stop here, the chain
needs to be extended to include all social impacts associated with rising
poverty levels, the most obvious one being increased crime and, perhaps, more
recruits for extremist interests.
The point is that the WTO, at
best, will bring gains for national economies. It will not alter the domestic
policy structures of the countries, which need to be in place if the benefits
are to trickle down to the poorest. The onus of correcting domestic policy
biases and give incentive to small-scale producers in a free-trade regime is
entirely on the Southern states. There is no reason for the governments in the
South to wait for the creation of a level playing field before they would take
such measures. By the same token, one must not link any failure of the small
producers under the WTO to the regime itself. The central concern ought to be
domestic policies and the shortcomings in that regard.
Ways to
Protect Traditional Knowledge
Mehnaz Ajmal
mehnaz@sdpi.org
The
current literature on Intellectual Property Rights, presents two approaches
used in the world to protect traditional knowledge. One is positive approach
and the other is defensive approach.
The positive approaches of
protecting Traditional Knowledge talk about the systems in any country or
region, either established by themselves or adopted from other countries’
model. This approach requires sound technical capability as well as commitment
by the countries. As this is a new area, therefore, sparse work has been
carried out so far. Many have developed and proposed the systems or trial but
there is no concrete model. On the other hand those who are the allies of
defensive approaches talk about the rights of countries against the monopoly of
the multinationals in exploiting traditional knowledge.
Supporting the defensive
approach to protect traditional knowledge, in this article we present the
concept of disclosure of origin of genetic resources, associated traditional
knowledge, and the data-base compilation of traditional knowledge.
Disclosure
of Origin
The disclosure of origin postulation lays out a fair and equitable
benefit-sharing related to genetic resources and traditional knowledge as
required by the Convention on Biological Diversity. The proposal related to
disclosure of origin has three forms, i.e., weak, medium and strong:
1. The
weak form encourages the disclosure but does not bind it with the grant of
patent
2. The
medium form makes the disclosure of origin mandatory
3.
The strong forms goes deep into
the specification of patents, like certification of origin, information about
the genetic resources and traditional knowledge where acquired, conformity with
Access to Genetic resources and Benefit Sharing (ABS) regulations and Prior
Informed consent (PIC).
The compliance or incompatibility of the disclosure of origin with TRIPS
agreement depends upon the intensity of the three forms. The weak form does not
put any compulsion on the contracting party or country, while the medium form
can question the invention of the genetic resource and traditional knowledge.
The strong form leads towards conflict if the patent application can be
rejected on the basis of absence of any requirement or compulsion on the
submission of the documents and linking it with the other requirements. Some
people are of the view that such requirements are a violation of TRIPS
agreement, but in actual fact these requirements require the revision of TRIPS
agreement according to the needs of the countries. Alternatively, these
requirements could be introduced outside of the search and examination process,
as administrative measures.
The medium from that makes
the disclosure of origin mandatory could operate quite well for health issues.
For instance, in the pharmaceutical industry it is easy to find the source of
the single compound used to prepare a new drug for a disease, but it is very
difficult in plant varieties, which can be patented in some countries. The
genetic material may come out of different sources, some of which may no longer
be identifiable because of lack of documentation and the length of time between
its’ acquisition and its’ use in breeding programs. There may be certain other
objectionable or unclear reasons, e.g., the different sources of genetic
material; the genetic material produced through conventional breeding methods;
unorganized farming communities; partially developed farming systems; and
identification of indigenous communities and their truthfulness.
Keeping in view the above
facts and ambiguities, careful policies for development and their practical
implementation are the need of the hour.
Inventories
and Database on Traditional Knowledge
The inventories and database on traditional knowledge in many countries,
like India ,
are strongly promoted. The main aim is to make available information not only
to patent examiners but also disclose it to the public domain. But the
usefulness of these databases is open to discussion, depending upon the grant
of controversial patent, chemical constitution of the genetic resources of
different areas, difference between the information of the new invention and
the traditional knowledge mentioned in the databank or inventory of any
specific area. Bio-piracy is the most dangerous threat to these inventoried
databanks.
In the context of
availability of information, national and regional laws vary with respect to
how information or material in the public domain should be presented in order
that it constitutes novelty defeating prior art, because due to the lack of
novelty, patents on isolated compounds obtained from medicinal plants can be
challenged.
Recommendations
·
There should be national laws,
which can determine and prevent the misuse of traditional knowledge and free to
penalize the felon and take compensation.
·
The national law should have
capacity-enhancement programs to empower communities to fight for their rights.
·
There should be provision for
documentation of traditional knowledge, proof of origin of genetic material,
and prior informed consent in the national law.
·
There should be ways for the
protection of heritage.
·
Communities or holders of
traditional knowledge should be capacitated either to engage in commercial
activities or to ask for benefit-sharing.
Conclusion
In the light of approaches for protecting traditional knowledge
mentioned above, there is a need to develop mechanisms to protect the rights of
holders of traditional knowledge. The mechanisms devised must be effective at
all levels especially at the local/domestic level. This will ensure, protection
of traditional knowledge through registers and data banks to avoid their
misuse. Moreover the national authorities should provide the certification of
origin, that the source of origin is disclosed and the prior informed consent
of the stakeholders has been taken for the commercial utilization of
traditional knowledge.
In
Retrospect
Campaigns
and Talks
Conflict Situation in Balochistan
February 13,
2006
The speakers criticized the unwillingness of the government to resolve
the Balochistan crisis. They demanded an immediate end to the ongoing military
operation in Baloch tribal areas, a political settlement of the crisis through
initiation of an open and meaningful political dialogue, and a balanced and
impartial constitution for the province that safeguards the rights of the local
people.
Syed Shamsuddin of Human
Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) presented the findings of HRCP’s latest
report on the situation in Balochistan. The report revealed that the military
action in Baloch tribal areas including indiscriminate bombings had resulted in
a large number of deaths. Deep resentment and anger had been prevalent in the
local communities along with an overwhelming sense of fear. “The present situation
calls for an open dialogue and a political settlement that also takes into
consideration important issues such as provincial autonomy,” he said. He
further stated that the civil administration of Balochistan currently stood
subservient to the military and there was a dire need to discourage this
malpractice.
Dr Ishaq Baloch of National
Party stated that the National Party was a true representative of not only the
educated middle class of the country but also of the different ethnic groups.
He declared the situation in Balochistan very similar to that of East Pakistan . He said that over the years, Balochistan
had undergone five operations, and the insurgency still continued because the
federation does not exist in its true sense. “Because of continued
discrimination against the province and the ineffectiveness of the political
system, the people in Balochistan have started to loose confidence in democracy
and political parties,” he said. His demand included initiation of a meaningful
political dialogue and a balanced and impartial constitution that could
safeguard the rights of the local people.
Ghulam Mustafa Baloch of
Strengthening Participatory Organization (SPO), Quetta lamented that the federal government
had deprived the local people of Balochistan from controlling their own
resources by labeling them as incompetent people who were also incapable of
making their own decisions. He said that the government had targeted three
tribal chiefs of Balochistan for their alleged anti-development stance. However,
the state of majority of the people living under the rule of
pro-government/liberal tribal leaders remained as miserable as the former. He
also endorsed the demand for a balanced constitution.
While responding to the questions of participants of the seminar, the
speakers strongly condemned the colonial attitude of the federal government and
declared it a contributing factor to the crisis situation that prevails in
Balochistan.
Causes and
Consequences of Margalla
Towers Tragedy: Lessons
Learnt
February 6, 2006
The speakers condemned the Capital Development Authority (CDA) for
showing criminal negligence, which led to the collapse of Margalla Towers
and the resultant loss of precious human lives. They recommended the need for
better legislation for implementation and enforcement of building codes,
verification systems for high-rise buildings, research for seismic resistant
buildings and facilitation of independent investigations in the tragedy.
Dr Farid Midhet of Asia
Foundation presented a factual account of the Margalla Towers
tragedy on behalf of the Margalla Towers Residents’ Society. He declared CDA
and the builders (CCC Associates) responsible for the loss of lives, as they
did not pay any heed to numerous complaints lodged by the residents of Margalla Towers about its poor construction.
Sharing the evidence of poor designs and faulty construction of the building,
he said that CDA had a suspicious relationship with CCC Associates, which was
why the complaints of the supervising engineers Habib Fida Ali Associates were
ignored and the complainants were eventually dismissed.
He further said that the
ground acceleration was 0.05g in Islamabad ,
which was very low as compared to the ground acceleration of 0.8g experienced
in Muzaffarabad and Kashmir . “This clearly
shows that Margalla
Towers did not collapse
because of the earthquake,” he stated.
He strongly criticized the CDA officials for doubly victimizing the
residents of Margalla
Towers by calling them
illegal occupants. “CDA was making an irresponsible effort to shift the blame
by trying to disassociate itself from the Margalla Towers
project,” he added. He lamented that CDA even failed to provide immediate
rescue and relief to the survivors and to comply with the orders of the Supreme
Court in letter and spirit. He proposed formation of a body in Islamabad to protect the
rights of citizens. He also demanded that CDA should be transformed into a more
accountable and democratic institution.
Dr Shafqat Shehzad of SDPI
highlighted the fact that despite the Supreme Court’s order to fully compensate
the residents of Margalla
Towers , CDA had only paid
two months’ rent to the affectees. She stressed upon the need for better
legislation for implementation of building codes, verification systems for high-rise
buildings and research for seismic-resistant buildings.
Other members of Margalla
Towers Resident Society (MRTS) also shared their experiences, including Saad
Mazhar who lost his entire family in the tragedy. While responding to the
questions of the participants of the seminar, Dr Asim Masood, President MRTS,
said that the decision of the Supreme Court regarding the tragedy of Margalla Towers held immense significance for
prevention of future tragedies, as it would set a precedent.
Drinking Water Vision-2030 for Rawalpindi
Experts warned of severe water crisis in Rawalpindi in the near
future if small dams such as Cherah and Daducha on Soan and Ling rivers,
respectively, were not built and leakages, wasting 50% of water, not plugged.
They asked the government to immediately start de-silting of Khanpur dam's
water channel since the channel had not been cleaned for years and the
filtration plant at the dam was unable to provide water to the twin cities of Rawalpindi and Islamabad
as per its maximum capacity.
Dr Isa Daudpota, an environmentalist, said
Khanpur dam was built on a wrong site by Ayub Khan’s government. In 1986, the
Executive Committee of the National Economic Council (ECNEC) adopted an
alternative route to provide water to the twin cities from this dam, which did
not prove to be a useful alternative. He said that the water supply from
Khanpur dam to the twin cities involved three different options in the past,
but ECNEC did not approve the feasible and perfect option of Margalla water
tunnel, which was even strongly recommended by the CDA and JICA. “The Margalla
water tunnel project had an estimated cost of Rs320m in the year 1985, which
can be doubled to Rs640m in recent times due to the inflation factor; but still
it was a feasible project with a less operational and maintenance cost to
existing project of water supply to the twin cities from Khanpur dam,” he said.
He added that the proposed supply of water to the federal capital and Rawalpindi from Jehlum and Indus
rivers was no practical solution to the water crisis in the making. He asserted
the people were given the wrong impression that there was too little water in
Khanpur dam. The dam's spillways had been opened 18 times during the last year
alone, which showed that water availability was not a problem but how to suck
the water up from 400 meters. He lamented that neither Punjab
nor the NWFP cleaned the channel of Khanpur dam, which had made the filtration
plant inefficient.
Arshad Abbasi of SDPI said
that at present Rawalpindi
had a population of 1.8m and with the present growth rate it would touch 4m by
2030. Now the city required more than 36mgd water, however, by 2030 the water
requirement would also increase. He said that two small dams, i.e., Chirah dam
on Soan River
and Daducha dam on river Ling could be easily built in Rawalpindi to meet its future water
requirements. Both the dams, he said, were unavoidable, if the government
wanted to avert the long-predicted water crisis in Rawalpindi . He said installation of water
meters could also help save the water from being wasted. At present, he said
the Water and Sanitation Agency (Wasa), Tehsil
Municipal Administration (TMA), and Rawalpindi Cantonment Board (RCB)
charged fixed rates.
Participants of the seminar
also discussed water pollution in Rawal
Lake and the provision of unsafe
drinking water to the citizens of Rawalpindi .
They said that water charges should not be increased; instead, the water
agencies must improve the quality of potable water aimed at checking
water-borne diseases that were now common in Rawalpindi . They said that the newly laid
faulty pipelines in Rawalpindi
should be rectified. More than 50% of the city's water wasted through leakages
in the pipelines, which was a main reason for the mixing of sewage with water.
In developed countries, there was very little or no leakages in the pipelines.
However, Pakistan
should at least follow the Asian model where only 8-12% water wasted through
leakages.
Medical
Negligence in Pakistan
January 16, 2006
Dr Sohail
Hashmi of PMDC said that Pakistan Medical and Dental Council (PMDC) lacked the
authority to deal with the cases of medical negligence. According to him,
registration of senior health professionals had been cancelled on account of
medical negligence but the process was very lengthy. PMDC had revised its code
of ethics (which was developed in 1978) to include modern as well as religious
concepts. “However, PMDC is not
responsible for the entire health community including homeopathic doctors, tabibs,
opticians, lady health workers, dais, quacks etc,” he clarified. He
recommended formulation of a national policy for patient protection and
regulation of appropriate health services delivery.
Mr Lal Zameer narrated the incident of his
wife’s death that happened due to negligence of a gynecologist. He said that
his loss was irrecoverable, yet he had filed a case through The Network for
Consumer Protection so that such incidents could be avoided in future.
Referring to Mr Zameer’s case, Mr Batish Mehmood
Tipu of The Network for Consumer Protection said that it was not only the
patient who suffered due to medical negligence, but the entire family of the
victim had to go through mental trauma. “Their agony was multiplied when their
complaints were brushed off without any action,” he added. He said that
numerous cases of medical negligence went unreported because of lack of
accountability. He recommended that public interest lawyers should also be
familiar with medical terminologies in order to deal with such cases. He urged
the government to ensure registration of all medical practitioners as well as
medical institutions in order to make them accountable.
Appraisal of Noise Levels and
Noise Annoyance in Silence Zones of Rawalpindi
and Islamabad
Dr Talib
Lashari of Ministry of Health condemned the high levels of noise in silence
zones by declaring it a serious concern for public health. He added that
research and legislation regarding noise annoyance had been very limited
despite the fact that this area also pertained to the Millennium Development
Goals (MDGs). He also appreciated the efforts of the speakers to draw attention
towards an important issue and urged adoption of a multi-sector approach to
deal with it. He added that the seminar’s recommendations would be forwarded to
the National Health Policy unit of Ministry of Health for necessary action.
Saira Bano of Fatima Jinnah Women’s
University discussed the levels of noise in the hospitals of Islamabad in which she particularly listed
the negative impacts of noise annoyance on human health including loss of
hearing, stress, sleep disturbance, tiredness etc. She lamented that Pakistan
Environmental Protection Agency had not specified any standards for noise
levels in the silence zones. According
to the findings of her study, major sources of noise include traffic, hospital
visitors, hospital staff, paging etc.
Nazima Shaheen of SDPI presented her study
that focused on appraisal of noise level in hospitals of Rawalpindi . Her study indicated that
aircrafts, traffic and attendants were the major sources of noise for the
patients. She concluded that noise levels of casualty wards were higher than
that of any other location. Her recommendations included public awareness
raising, incorporation of speed barriers and installation of signboards near
hospitals.
Maria Khalid of Pakistan Institute of
Nuclear Science and Technology (PINSTECH) discussed the high noise levels in
schools and universities of Rawalpindi/Islamabad. She said that the high level
of noise in schools negatively affected the academic performance of children
along with posing serious health concerns. While discussing the role of noise
barriers, she suggested that tree plantation was an effective way of noise
reduction.
Picking and Pesticide Poisoning:
Working Conditions of Cotton Pickers
For cotton
pickers shouldering Pakistan ’s
most important industry, decent working conditions including higher wages and
lower pesticide poisoning were demanded.
Naila Hussain, a Lahore-based environment
and development researcher, shared the findings of her research on working
conditions of cotton pickers in Southern Punjab .
She said that there had been a massive increase in the use of pesticides that
posed serious threats to the health of the cotton pickers. She strongly
criticized the multinationals for strategizing aggressive marketing of
pesticides without highlighting any information related to their ill effects on
human health. She stated that eye infections, skin irritation,
respiratory diseases, including asthma and kidney problems, were common among
cotton pickers due to their high exposure to poisonous residues. “Lack of
awareness and poverty exacerbates the situation,” she added. Her
recommendations included political will and coordinated effort to implement
farmer-friendly policies and practices such as availability of toxicity test
facility in cotton growing areas. She strongly recommended a ban on certain
pesticides such as DDT.
Dr Karin Astrid Siegman of SDPI presented
a comparative analysis of the working conditions of cotton pickers before and
after the end of quota restrictions in Textile & Clothing (T & C)
trade. She explained that before the quota expiry, women workers faced lack of
alternative income sources and low bargaining power because of poor education,
poverty, gender discrimination and labor surplus. “In addition, they faced
sexual harassment and pesticide-induced health problems,” she said. “The WTO
Agreement on Textile & Clothing (ATC) phased out the quota system governing
T&C trade in January 2005, however, no positive change took place in the
working conditions of cotton pickers,” she added. She stated that the same low
wages prevailed and were accompanied by price hike and increased pesticide use.
Her recommendations included awareness-raising of cotton growers, pickers,
pesticide companies, and government officials along with the application of
protective/labor laws for workers in agriculture sector and incentives for
contamination-free cotton such as better wages for pickers.
Development versus Environmental Concerns: Removal of
Trees in Islamabad
The speakers and participants urged
the Capital Development Authority (CDA) to stop removal of trees in Islamabad and to prioritize
the development needs of the city. The Capital Development Authority was in the
dock and its official from Environment Directorate had to cut a sorry figure
for anti-tree drive of the civic body. The speakers and participants pointed
out that anti-environment activities in the city and Margalla Hills were
against the Master Plan as well as Margalla
Hills National
Park legislation. The CDA plans such as to
develop golf courses at Fatima
Jinnah Park ,
Margalla Hills and Jinnah Super Market also came under severe criticism during
the seminar. The participants demanded an efficient mass transit system to deal
with the traffic issues instead of relying solely on road expansion, as that
would eventually lead to deterioration of the environment and loss of biodiversity
in the city.
Wajahat
Latif of Margalla Hill Society said that removal of trees for expansion of roads was
a short-term solution to the problem that would prove inadequate in the long
run. He emphasized the need for effective traffic management to deal with
traffic-related problems. Strongly opposing the construction of steel/concrete
structures in public parks, he demanded citizen's participation in the
decision-making process. He said that we should not go for ill-conceived
projects like golf courses in a city, which could not provide shelter to
dwellers of Katchi Abaadis. He said that his Society had filed a lawsuit
against construction plan at Dar-e-Jangla in the Margalla Hills
National Park but awaited
hearing before the Supreme Court.
Aurangzeb
Awan of CDA said that the CDA was removing trees not just for the expansion of
roads and construction of buildings but also for getting rid of paper mulberry
trees that cause allergy to residents of the city. However, no trees were being
removed from designated green belts, he maintained. He claimed that the CDA
also planted over 23m saplings and consultations with civil society members
took place before the removal of trees. He maintained that dualization of roads
saved citizens traveling time and helped to control emission of pollutants from
vehicles, the latter being an environmental concern as well.
A
journalist observed that Environment Directorate of the CDA was a helpless body
before its Road Directorate. He questioned Aurangzeb Awan of CDA Environment
Directorate why the trees in front of Presidency Colony were cut when enough
space was available for the dualization of Barri Imam Road . Mr Awan said that those
trees were not part of the planning. He could not give an answer to the
question why three rows of the trees were implanted at a space about which the
authority knew it would be used for the road. Trees take decades to grow while
roads take a few years to get broken and re-carpeted, he said.
A participant from an NGO criticized CDA
for not carrying out Environment Impact Assessment (EIA) or Initial Environment
Examination (IEE), which were obligatory under the law for projects like
construction of a hotel at Pir Sohawa. He said that since the induction of
Kamran Lashari as CDA chief, Islamabad
had a lot of flowers and beautification but at the same time, trees were cut in
the name of development and commercialization of green belt was taking place.
Another participant said that such acts were performed for political and
economic reasons, as cutting trees and building roads generated commission for
bureaucrats of the authority. Professor Naeem Khan shared the details of the
trees that had been cut in sector F-7/3 and Blue Area for the purpose of
beautification of the city and construction of a food park, respectively.
However, quite contrary to the purpose, the removal of trees had resulted in
sewerage problems, which in turn, posed serious threats to the public health.
SDPI Center for Capacity Building
In line with its mandate, SDPI Center
for Capacity Building (CCB) provides high quality training to the public,
private and NGO sector organizations and individuals to strengthen institutions
and build capacity for sustainable development. During January-February 2006,
CCB conducted the following trainings:
1. Monitoring
and Evaluation of Projects January 3-5
An objective
and meaningful system of monitoring and evaluation facilitates the success and
sustainability of projects. The participants were keen to learn the modern
tools and techniques of monitoring and evaluation. Participants learned to use
MS Project software to monitor project activities. They reviewed their existing
monitoring and evaluation formats and incorporated improvements. The workshop
objectives were to:
- understand the principles
and procedures for effective project monitoring and evaluation;
- formulate and use the
logical framework analysis to monitor and evaluate projects;
- use work breakdown
structures and MS Project to monitor project efficiency;
- improve their ability to
gather, manage, and communicate project information; and
- learn methods to evaluate
project effectiveness and impact.
2.
Environmental Impact Assessment
of Development Projects
January 24-26
EIA aims at assessing environmental impact at an early stage of project
planning, design and development and building into the project alternative ways
and means to mitigate the adverse effects. An EIA results in
environment-friendly and cost-effective projects. It is an essential part of
project design and appraisal. Currently, it has been emphasized at many private
and public fora that there is a dire need for institutional and personnel
capacity-building in this area.
Participants from national,
international and foreign agencies, industrial sector, academia and corporate
sector attended the training. They also carried out an EIA of a development
project of proposed Islamabad Railway Station.
The overarching aim of this training
workshop was to enable the participants to build their capacity to integrate
environmental concerns in project proposals. The specific objectives were to
enable the participants to:
·
learn the principles, skills, procedures and practices of
integrating environment through EIA;
·
become aware of the legal and regulatory obligations of
integrating environment in development projects;
·
familiarize themselves with the techniques of getting
public participation and integrate socio-economic aspects in development
projects; and
·
enable the participants to conduct an EIA study for a
development project.
3.
Project Proposal Development
February 14-16
Organizations that depend on external grants to achieve their objectives
have to apply various sources to obtain project funding. However, most
organizations are often not aware of the basic requirements of a project
proposal. As a result, a project proposal may be rejected or unnecessarily
delayed, because it does not meet the required criteria. This workshop was
designed to help participants to understand the principles and formats of
writing an effective project proposal. It provided the trainees an opportunity
to prepare, present and defend a project proposal.
The training workshop was
designed for managers involved in project planning and management, social and
infrastructure development, representatives of national and international NGOs,
academia, government officials and policy and decision-makers.
At the end of the workshop, the participants were able to:
·
understand the components of a
project proposal;
·
apply the project planning tools
in writing proposals;
·
develop a proposal according to
the required format;
·
apply appropriate writing skills
for better proposal quality; and
·
present and defend their
proposals.
Recent
Publications
Anatomy of a Peoples’ Rights Movement: A Case Study of the Sarhad Awami Forestry Ittehad (SAFI )
By Shaheen Rafi Khan,
Moeed Yusuf (SDPI) and Riaz Ahmed (SUNGI)
Working
paper series # 103; pp. 16; Price: Rs. 60.00
Abstract
The Sarhad Awami
Forestry Ittehad (SAFI), arguably, represents the only formal attempt to engage
in forestry reform advocacy and political activism. Given the importance of
developing an understanding of the factors that may lead to the success of
peoples’ movements in Pakistan ,
we conduct a careful evaluation of SAFI ’s
impact on the forestry reform process and, in general, in terms of sustainable
forest management.
What Comes After the Quota Went? Effects of and Responses to the ATC
Expiry